Saturday, November 8, 2008

#73: The People's President

JFK, The White House, July 11, 1963 (Photo by Cecil Stoughton)

When Barack Hussein Obama II was born on August 4, 1961, I was 10 years old, and John F. Kennedy had been president for just seven months.

As a Catholic, I was ecstatic when I first heard that Kennedy had been selected as the Democratic nominee. I rode my bicycle throughout the neighborhood, whooping it up and yelling the news like a pesky town crier. It never occurred to me that anyone else would feel any differently; in my mind, Kennedy's nomination and eventual win were inevitable as apple pie, the American flag, and the True and Apostolic Church. Certainly (in my 10-year-old mind), Kennedy would be a good Catholic president.

So I understand completely how African-Americans might feel that Obama is their president, at least in these early days. No doubt that this is truly a historic time in our country and an "about time" moment.

However, just as Kennedy proved definitively that he was not taking direct orders from The Vatican, Obama is not likely to take orders from the NAACP or any other group. He will listen, of course, but he will do what is best for the country as a whole--at least this is my hope.

Right now, Obama is enjoying rock star status among African-Americans and young people, but here's my fear: the honeymoon will come to an abrupt end when it sinks in that Obama may not be able to deliver instant results in African-American issues or that these issues may not even be the highest priority.

In fact, I see a bit of a backlash, especially in the area of affirmative action in that the the victim card will be less compelling now that an African-American (who basically started life without special connections) has achieved the highest office; in fact, I have already heard this argument among some friends and family. Right or wrong, it's there.

Once the headiness of victory has diminished, we should all take a look at our expectations of this young president-elect and ask what our country as a whole needs from him, not just any one ethnic group.

Like Kennedy, Barack Obama will be the people's president and will need to make some difficult decisions that may not please everyone. Thanks to Bush, Obama will have a lot of messes to clean up, and I would be surprised if he'll be able to achieve it all in the first four years (assuming he wins a second term).

Back in 1961, I was just a child, without the awareness that the world is a more complicated place than just Catholic vs. non-Catholic, so throughout my childhood, JFK, for me, was the Catholic president. Later on, of course, it turned out that JFK saw himself as being a Catholic second and politician and leader who represented everyone, not just Catholics.

He was truly the people's president.

Had Nixon won the presidency, I would have surely been crushed and disappointed.

John F. Kennedy, Inauguration 1961, Part 1 of 2


John F. Kennedy, Inauguration 1961, Part 2 of 2


Luckily, I got my way, and on January 20, 1961, Kennedy was sworn as our 35th President. I vaguely remember a very old man named Robert Frost reciting from memory a poem called "the Gift Outright" (originally he had planned to read "Dedication," but the brilliant sunlight caused too much glare on the page and he couldn't read the handwritten poem).

I clearly remember JFK's most famous quote: "...Ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country."

Even at 10, I realized the historical importance of that plea; Obama would do well to consider those historic words as he embarks on this very exciting and frightening adventure.

Full Text of John F. Kennedy's Inaugural Address, January 20, 1961

Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom — symbolising an end, as well as a beginning — signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe — the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans — born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage — and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do — for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom — and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required — not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge — to convert our good words into good deeds — in a new alliance for progress — to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbours know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support — to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective — to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak — and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course — both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew — remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belabouring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms — and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah — to "undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavour, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our cause. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again — not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are — but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation" — a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility — I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavour will light our country and all who serve it — and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you — ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.


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